OPEN LETTER TO THE AUSTRALIAN COMMONWEALTH and the DEPARTMENTS OF HOME AFFAIRS AND IMMIGRATION

On behalf of the Australasian / South African Community we humbly and respectfully take this opportunity to present this paper outlining the challenges, uncomfortable truths and nuances of  the  persecution of South African minorities in our old homeland.

This original paper was presented to the Minister of Immigration, the Hon. Mr D. Coleman on 4 July 2019 and outlines briefly the background that has led to the escalating tragedy faced  by ethnic South African (SA) minority groups comprising  some 8.8% Coloured, 7.8%¹ European and 2.5% Indian’s of SA’s population, today.

This letter is incorporated as evidence for the Australian Department of Immigration as a summary of the key factors requiring diligent review as they are instrumental in understanding at a high level the escalating conditions in SA and the real persecution many minority South Africa family face.

Springbok Relief is a newly formed Australian based Not for Profit, charity organisation² whose mission is to provide charitable support and services³ to persecuted minority South Africans who have been seriously discriminated against by providing them sanctuary; free of escalating racial hate, harassment and fear of attacks, protected from cruel and barbaric deeds, safe from sexual violence and rape, and relief from prejudice, intimidation or degrading treatment.

PERSECUTION

The escalating violence against SA minorities; that is both savagely cruel and inhuman, may appear to be the by-product of criminals ‘random choice or personal whim’ however, the alarming levels of degrading treatment, brutal torture, rape, attack and murders have a significant racial and ethnic undercurrent and Springbok Relief has spent the past 2 years undertaking meticulous independent research to understand the true, status quo.

Upon closer examination of South Africa’s’ political transformation pre 1994 through to present day, we have learned that the persecution of minorities is in fact; the perpetuation of the armed Liberation Struggle⁴ prior to the countries momentous 1994’s election, that today; through racial agitation and political manipulation, has eroded the moral compass of a Rainbow Nations’ promise for a prosperous society with equality and hope for all, under the law.

In June 1993, the African National Congress (ANC) released a Strategic Directive known as Circular no 21G-6⁵ that was issued to all Senior Staff and Marshalls outlining their tactical plans for their Liberation Struggle post elections.

Within this circular, (which was strictly confidential) the ANC outlined a number of objectives that today have come to fruition and have dramatically facilitated the clandestine persecution of SA minorities, to date.

Key takeaways from this ANC circular stated the following, and includes;

1. The armed struggle forced the whites to negotiate a ‘so-called’ peace,
2. The psychological struggle through the churches brought victory over the white Christians,
3. Be careful not to upset the farmers to much before we gain control over the SAP and SADF⁶,
4. The greatest fear of the white settler is to loose his job, his farm, his house … this will allow the new democratic government to tax them to the utmost, while our comrades in the MK and APLA⁷ continue with their part in the struggle,
5. All positions in the public services will be replaced by comrades,
6. Security forces will be reconstructed with OUR comrades to protect OUR people,
7. Let them (the settlers) experience being second class citizens,
8. No ammunition will be available to white settlers,
9. Health institutions will be africanised, whites will pay,
10. Pension funds and insurance companies will be at OUR disposal for OUR comrades,
11. Viva Kill a Boer, Kill a Farmer.

• This demonstrated that as far back as 1993, the ANC planned to negotiate a “so-called” peace stating that peace was never to be
• It further outlined their agenda to dominate the civil service (which has occurred through AA, EE and BEE) and the security forces of the nation (today the non-statutory forces of the MK and APLA have become the new SANDF) and disbanded the Army Commando System which was the rural communities, only security
• The SA government appear to have deliberately made it difficult for these farmers to protect themselves by also making gun ownership extremely difficult, if not
• The SA government is also removing “self-defence” as a reason to own a
• The “Our comrades for Our people”, indicates security forces protection is for the African majority and not the minorities; which is regrettably the current state of
• Today the Settlers (Whites) acutely feel like; second class citizens in their own
• Finally, we have ex-Presidents Zuma, leaders like Julius Malema (the then) President of the ANC Youth League and now leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), including Andile Mngxitama of the BLF and their supporters constituting over 68.2%⁸ of the nation’s voters, openly calling in song to “kill the Boer” and “One bullet, One Settler”.

More recently, according to R.W. Johnson; although post-Apartheid South Africa initially strove to be a non-racial dispensation under President Nelson Mandela, subsequent presidents Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma both mobilised antiwhite sentiment in order to maintain political power.

• It has been claimed that racism against white people goes largely ignored in South Africa, and that political parties like the ANC and the EFF foment discontent and racial animosity for political purposes⁹.

Democratic Alliance MP Gwen Ngwenya has accused South Africans of “hypocrisy and dishonesty of treating black South Africans as the victims”, noting that racism aimed at white people elicits little reaction from the populace. A comparative study by trade union Solidarity confirmed that South African media give more attention to white-on black racism; it also found that the South African Human Rights Commission is much more likely to self-initiate investigations into white-on- black racism, and is more lenient in cases of black-on-white racism.

• Respected Journalist Ed Herbst went on to claim that public broadcaster SABC’s coverage of racism is skewed so as to portray white South Africans, particularly Afrikaners, as racist oppressors, and black South Africans as their victims. Farm invasions, torture, and murders, the victims of which are predominantly white, receive little attention or government response.

Former Supreme Court  Judge  Rex  van  Schalkwyk  has  stated  “Almost  entirely  ignored  by  the  selective  moralists  are all the innumerable examples of black racialism, with whites as the targets. There has also been a selective    process of law-enforcement by the various law-enforcement agencies...”.

In 2016, the F.W. de  Klerk  (Nobel Peace Prize recipient and ex State President of South Africa who negotiated with Nelson Mandela) Foundation  stated;  “black  South Africans are far more violent and racist towards their white compatriots than vice versa” and appealed  to  the  South  African  Human  Rights  Commission  to  intervene on the issue of racism and hate speech against white South Africans.

• Its complaint to the commission detailed “45 social media postings that incite extreme violence against white South
• The foundation also said “an analysis of Facebook and Twitter messages shows that by far the most virulent and dangerous racism – expressed in the most extreme and violent language – has come from disaffected black South Africans. The messages are replete with threats to kill all whites – including children; to rape white women or to expel all whites from South “

So, today we unfortunately have a society that has ‘lost its moral compass¹⁰’ where racial propaganda is the norm and the media remain silent to the discrimination, cruel and often murderous atrocities that are taking place, particularly against our persecuted minorities.

Further detail of targeted racial and ethnic incited attacks on farm, home invasions and murders of minorities are outlined within Annexure 1 of the Springbok Relief Wiki.

DISCRIMINATION

Today, South Africa has a plethora of laws, rules, regulations, policies and restrictions which exclude minorities-based principally upon race and or ethnicity (and more so, Europeans) from many economic aspects within the market place, including schools, tertiary education, business opportunities, civil employment like Police, Hospitals, Army, sports, etc.

This in itself is discriminatory, oppressive and racist practises seemingly disguised within a framework of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE), Employment Equity (EE) and Affirmative Action (AA).

The development of the BEE and Wealth Redistribution initiatives of the new democratic SA Government inspired rapid and dramatic social reengineering in the mid ‘90’s. This led to a transformative socio-economic evolution of the South African workplace when AA and EE Legislation including law on the Framework for Preferential Acquisition policies has been passed that even the Constitutional Court and The Labour Courts have declared as ‘serious discrimination of minorities’ whilst others have termed it ‘racism of the worst kind¹¹’.

BEE, AA and EE have “automatically relegated all whites to second class citizens and disallowed them from using their knowledge and skill to earn a living and contribute to society”¹². The reality today is that the three minorities are discriminated against but recent  amendments  to  Broad Based Black  Economic Empowerment  (BBBEE) legislation has resulted in ‘white people now finally excluded from the South African job market¹³’

Furthermore, Preferential Acquisition policies come down to the race-based exclusion of companies not under black control¹⁴, again intensifying the discrimination and serious violations of European workers non-derogable rights, in the once Rainbow Nation.

This invasive social reengineering of the national workforce has resulted in systemic and discriminatory practises modelled upon “race-based quotas¹⁵” that regulate access to the workforce based on your race¹⁶. This is of course discrimination on the basis of skin colour.

This, for your further consideration is discussed in detail within Annexure 2 of this paper.

RELIABLE COUNTRY-OF-ORIGIN INFORMATION

As the Hon. Minister Mr D. Coleman and you as Case Officers are well aware; a Refugee’s credibility and their fear must be  evaluated against objective information on the conditions in the country of origin, therefore reliable country-of-origin information is an essential resource in this  regard.

At Springbok Relief, we have undertaken conscientious independent research and offer candid, factual and reliable country-of-origin information to any government, the media or other charities who are not afraid to challenge the political manipulation by the SA government or its inept and corrupt national security / policing services, who supress¹⁷ the truth.

THE FAMILY ASYLUM / REFUGEE VISA APPLICATION 

This family has submitted an application to be considered for Refugee Status in accordance with the UNHCR criteria and the legislation as defined within Australian law.¹⁸

We further acknowledge that Australia is not legally obligated under the 1951 Refugee Convention or any other international instrument to accept refugees for resettlement¹⁹, however white farmers face “horrific circumstance” in South Africa and “we do need to look at the persecution that’s taking place,” ²⁰

As a community, we recognise that refugees seeking protection in Australia on a Refugee visa must satisfy numerous onerous Onshore  Humanitarian  Protection  visa criteria. In  the  case  of  this  family,  in addition to being subject to persecution and discrimination, IF this protection is NOT granted, they do however meet character and national security requirements; thereafter the department and its representatives need to be satisfied if there are indeed ‘compelling reasons for giving special consideration to granting the visa’ having regard obviously to;

• the degree of discrimination to which the applicant is subject in the applicant’s home country²¹; and
• the extent of their connection with Australia²²
• the capacity of the Australian community to provide for their permanent²³

We are also aware that the visa grant must be consistent with ‘the regional and global priorities of the Commonwealth in relation to the settlement of persons in Australia on humanitarian grounds²⁴’ . In other words, there must be a visa available under the Humanitarian Program for the given program year²⁵, which we believe there is.

In the ‘Nicky’ case, her family requested protection under the mantle of the UNHCR Offshore Protection program. It was most disturbing for the South African community in Australia to learn that their application has been rejected even though her highly publicised case was described by the Court in South Africa as “cruel and barbaric” by “a predator who targeted a woman and her children”, which also had racially sexual elements to the incident.

We as Australians are disappointed at the failure of our Commonwealth to adequately comprehend the real risk and various levels of discrimination and persecution taking place in SA. It is believing that departmental officials accessing SA Protection Visa cases are unaware that your independent ‘country of origin information’ is potentially inaccurate as many public sources regurgitate the same flawed ‘evidence’ as fact.

• The applicant family, our community in Australia and Springbok Relief are gravely concerned because even; “If you look at the footage and read the stories, you hear the accounts, it’s a horrific circumstance they (the persecuted South African minorities) face,²⁶” this application deserves an honest assessment just like the persecuted Zimbabwean Europeans who fled to Australia received when the Commonwealth graciously granted them protection.

Furthermore, as a concerned community we appreciate the fact that granting such public refugee recognition upon the this applicant family, might resulted in an undesirable political response from the South African Government, we draw you attention to the following statement made in our parliament in Canberra;

• We respectfully remind the Australian Department of Immigration of the Honourable Mr MacPhee (past Minister of Immigration) who in 1981 when he commended the Special Humanitarian Program to the House, stated; “the broad philosophy of the Government’s humanitarian response (is), outside (of) formal refugee programs, in instances of substantial discrimination or human rights violations against oppressed minorities anywhere in the world by governments irrespective of their political persuasion”.

We recognise also that in the current sub-Saharan political climate, the dynamics of ‘denying’ cruel persecution, discrimination and low intensity ethnic genocide is ‘presently, in vogue²⁷” by the South African government. It is respectfully understood that our government may not have wanted to instigate an international incident over this matter.

• However, we petition the Department and its’ IMMI Interview Case Officer’s to collaborate with Springbok Relief at the hearing / Interview and find an urgent solution to the pressing need to offer this family their desperately needed Humanitarian

Springbok Relief with the support of our Australasian South African Community is willing to enter into a Deed with the Department of Immigration to standby our fellow countrymen and women who flee the persecution and seek safety within Australian borders.

So, we therefore welcome any engagement with the Department in an open and frank manner to discuss these complexities and find a solution for the families who fear for their lives and desperately want to get away from discrimination and oppression.

We request the Department takes into account the information with this paper and evidence contained within our wiki.

As a NGO and Not for Profit Charity, we wish to offer assurances to Commonwealth that we can offer various levels of assistance as an organization and expatriate Community as we are willing to provide services and support whilst reducing demands upon the Commonwealth.

In collaboration with friends and relatives in Australia, the greater Australasian /  South  African  community  fully  endorses  our  efforts.

• There are already large numbers of South African expatriates living in Australia and “They work hard, they integrate well into Australian society, they contribute to make us a better country and they’re the sorts of migrants that we want to bring into our country ²⁸“.

IN CONCLUSION

The burning question many reporters and authorities have asked, is “what are the true statistics on farm murders in South Africa?” For the most part the one’s pushing the idea that white farmers are under assault by the black majority are organisations like Afriforum and the Transvaal Agricultural Union. Initially, other institutions and the media tried to debunk their stats, so Afriforum responded with rebuttals.²⁹

Springbok Relief has also undertaken its own independent assessments and stands with the minority communities of South Africa affirming that our farm murder data is valid and some “fact checker bureau’s” have in our opinion under appreciated the scale of the humanitarian disaster because one must now also take into account ALL the unpublicised and unquantified small holding and urban home invasions, where attacks, murders and brutality show frightening signs that of late, they are escalating!

• So, the reality is; it’s worse, much worse than we can precisely quantify

We have respectfully attempted to outline at a high level the complexities of the social, political, economic and cultural challenges faced by our minority South African brethren in the hope that the insights within Annexure’s will convince the Honourable Minister and you, his Case Officer that the humanitarian plight is here, it’s now and its urgent.

We can no longer turn a blind eye and perpetuate the denials, for as Edmund Burke said: “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing”.

We therefore humbly beseech the Australian Department of Immigartion, its IMMI Case Officers and the Australian Administrative Tribunal members too;

• Permit Springbok Relief to provide evidence on behalf of Asylum Seekers to articulate our findings and share our research to improve the breadth and caliber of your country-of-origin information (whilst challenging respectfully) much information the Department of Immigration has, that our evidence proves is flawed. Our data contains over 580 documents covering 7 Appendices which include video, photos, excel analysis and social/mainstream media reference material;
  • Access to our secure/private and malware/virus free wiki which does NOT require any data downloads is provided via https://wiki2.springbokrelief.org and a dedicated access password and Case Officer profile will be sent via the MARA agent on behalf of the family, to you.
• Acknowledge the reality that systemic and discriminatory practices modelled upon “race-based quotas” is a violation of this families non-derogable rights, so granting protection is justifiable,
• Evaluate our Refugee application on their merit sand also consider Cumulative Grounds, based on ALL our data, and
  • Appraise the status of our various family applications approving their protection under the Special Humanitarian Protection program,
  • The SHP is “designed specifically for people who are ‘quasi-refugees’³⁰“ and who are unwilling to remain in their home country for fear of substantial discrimination.
• Recognize that our Member families experience legitimate fear and grant them protection taking into consideration the non-refoulement obligations of the Commonwealth.

We close taking this opportunity to again thank-you for your time and careful consideration of this most pressing matter that is close to the hearts of over 248 000 members of the Australasian / South African Community.

Respectfully yours,

The team at Springbok Relief

FOOTNOTES

1. 2018 StatsSA
2. Awaiting ASIC, ACNC and ATO registration
3. Including advocating on behalf of minority South African Asylum Seekers
4. James Myburgh, ‘The origins of South Africa’s farm murder epidemic’ clearly proves the struggle in 2019 is the perpetuation of the pre-1994 “Liberation Struggle”.
5. Copy of this document available from Springbok Relief.
6. South African Police and South African Defence Force
7. Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the nation) the ANC’s armed wing and the Azanian People’s Liberation Army
8. Section 16 of the South African Constitution gives everybody the right to freedom of expression unless that constitutes ‘propaganda for war; incitement of imminent violence; or advocacy of hatred that is based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion, and that constitutes incitement to cause harm. However, the mass “toi toi” of ANC, DA, EFF, BLF supports run in the streets calling for the Killing of minorities, yet the SA Government ignores this. This is state empowered racism & persecution and why Genocide Watch has SA on a final footing “pre mass genocide’.
9. R.W. Johnson
10. We are living in times of moral decay which should leave us very afraid of the times in which our children are growing up. – Kekeletso Nakeli-Dhliwayo (2018 The Citizen newspaper)
11. BEE: Helping or Hurting? by Anthea Jeffery
12. SA News Today – 29 June, 2019 – “If you are white…”
13. https://southafricatoday.net/south-africa-news/white-people-now-finally-excluded-from-the-south-african-job-market/
14. Article “you are out as tenders go,” SA Finance Minister, Pravin Gordhan
15. Former President FW de Klerk commented; ‘there had been wide consultation and agreement on the need for affirmative action during the negotiating process from 1993 to 1996, but ‘there had never been any talk about imposing demographic representivity’. Nor had it been intended that ‘people (blacks) without the appropriate qualifications would be appointed to posts merely on racial grounds’ – Business Report 16 July 2017
16. EE Act expressly ‘excludes’ the use of ‘quotas’ and demands “input’ based criteria however the AA and EE practises remain ‘race quota’ based.
17. An examination over 3 years by Springbok Relief researchers of the ‘crime’ in the Cullinan district of Jakkalsdans comparing it to SAPS crime records vs Private Security Operator logs and 3rd party records showed serious discrepancies with SAPS Crime data validity (which when consolidated becomes StatsSA national data), indicating the suppression of serious assaults, farm invasions and murders of Afrikaaner farms and their members of the
18. Migration Regulations 1994
19. Ibid., p. 68.
20. Hon P. Dutton on Sydney’s 2GB March 2018
21. High Court of Australia [2011] HCA 52 14 December 2011 M10/2011 222 (a)
22. This requires an assessment of the nature of any family or social ties the applicant has in
23. In assessing this factor the Department takes into account whether the applicant has a proposer, and if so, the level of assistance the proposer is likely to be able to provide, other support that may be available to the applicant from relatives, friends and community organisations in Australia, the applicant’s likely employment prospects, taking into account their work history, qualifications and English language
24. Migration Regulations 1994, Schedule 2, Subclass 200, criterion 223.
25. DIBP, PAM3–Migration Regulations: Assessing offshore humanitarian (Class XB) visa applications, LegendCom database, accessed 20 August 2014.
26. Hon Dutton on Sydney’s 2GB March 2018
27. Since 2017, ANC government targeted white people with threats in official speeches
28. Hon P. Dutton on Sydney’s 2GB March 2018
29. http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politics/farm-murders-factchecking-the-factcheckers
30. I McPhee (then Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs), ‘Ministerial Statement: Special Humanitarian Program’, House of Representatives, Debates, 18 November 1981, 3072.